Race, Gender, and Paychecks: Why Intersectionality Can’t Be Ignored.
- Karl Marx teaches that capital exploits workers, but not "class reductionism" or the neglect of woke identity politics by reducing systemic injustices to mere wealth distribution.
- U.S. civil justice advocate and scholar of critical race theory, Kimberlé Crenshaw, demonstrates how race, gender, and other identities intersect with class.
- Cultural power, discrimination, and social norms also drive oppression, beyond just material conditions.
- Elite members of marginalized identities can overshadow the broader struggles of everyday people, leading to performative representation rather than systemic change.
- Building coalitions that address shared material issues while also acknowledging unique hurdles faced by particular groups are a balanced way to address systemic injustices.
- Feminist U.S. philosopher, Nancy Fraser, explains that cultural misrecognition and economic exploitation are intertwined, and they reinforce on another.
This week on, how is the left eating itself? Identity vs. class: which one is our biggest priority? Do either fully explain the issues holding U.S. citizens back from leading more empowered lives? On the one hand "class reductionism" insists that economic injustice eclipses all other forms of oppression. I've definitely been guilty of this in the past. But leading intersectional thinkers like bell hooks and Kimberlé Crenshaw remind us that the way forward is not an either/or proposition. It's a both/and type scenario. Race, gender, and class intersect in a way that makes them inseparable when discussing the transformative changes society needs today.
Alright by Kendrick Lamar
I.
Marx was a boon to leftist philosophy. He outlined how economic structures shape our lives. And he's not wrong. The current economic climate validates Marx's claims in the past. Economic inequality has skyrocketed, wages have stagnated for massive contingents of the population, and all while corporate profits soar to record numbers. Rising movements like union drives at major companies, and social media uproar over the gig economy, showcase raw class issues in ways reminiscent of labor movements in Marx's day.
But for all the economic wisdom Marx gave us, does it really answer all of the questions about challenges marginalizing minorities, like targeted racism and sexism? If we take five minutes to listen to anyone in these affected communities the answer is a resounding, "no." While class is a great place to start, it's only one dimension in a complex tapestry of systemic issues oppressing U.S. citizens.
II.
Kimberlé Crenshaw adds context to Marxist explanations of systemic oppression by illuminating the intersection of race, gender, sexuality, and ability. Along with how they intersect and compound each other. Wielding her excellence in law, Crenshaw highlighted how black women face unique barriers that aren't captured by focusing only on racism or only on sexism. She passed the baton to bell hooks who expanded on these ideas emphasizing how our system of patriarchy, white supremacy, and capitalism create a layered intersectional labyrinth of oppression.
While it's tempting to look for the simplest solution the truth is wilder than fiction. When discussing the causes of systemic marginalization class and identity are inherently inseparable. No single category like "working class" or "women of color" paints the whole picture of socio-economic alienation. We'll have to broaden our strategies for social transformation to liberate all people who experience oppression in its various and overlapping forms. Because as they say, my liberation isn't possible without your liberation.
III.
If your introduction to leftist philosophy was Marx, you may ask yourself, "if society is driven by capital and profit, doesn't tackling the economic system solve most other problems?" And you'd be off to a great start, but here's why class reductionism misses half the story.
If we take two workers at the same wage level, but one is white and the other is black, they're going to have starkly different experiences despite their economic equality. The black worker may encounter discriminatory loan practices, racial profiling, or hiring biases that the white worker does not. And if class issues were truly the root of the issue, then the two workers would face the same privileges and challenges. Cultural power also contributes to social issues, not just economics. Misogyny, homophobia, and racism are upheld by beliefs, stereotypes, and social norms that can't be reduced to economic exploitation. Economic equality doesn't address a culture of bigotry. Historical legacies born from decades of colonization, slavery, and patriarchal traditions have sculpted the way communities inherit power and resources. Class equality alone doesn't begin to address the generational traumas and present-day systemic hurdles created by these legacies.
IV.
The other edge of the sword illustrates why the opposite of class reductionism isn't the answer either. Overemphasizing a single identity marker, whether it be race, gender, or sexuality is at the expense of analyzing material conditions. And it can produce an elite that shares a marginalized identity without the urgent economic struggles of everyday people.
For example, a performative focus on corporate "diversity" may celebrate more CEOs of color or women in the boardroom without addressing the exploitative conditions faced by workers that share their identity without their economic privilege. Campaigns that primarily target cultural representation can overlook the staggering wealth inequality that hits marginalized communities hardest. So the threat of reductionism by way of identity is clear. Performative symbolic victories like representation in media or high-ranking positions neglect the economic challenges that are a reality for the majority of working folks.
V.
Identity and class are the two wings in the single ascent to transformative justice. Inseparable by the complex of their intersectionality, a holistic movement uniting class and identity politics can address the multi-dimensional needs of marginalized people.
Folks of all backgrounds can easily be united through their common material interests. Coalitions built upon shared issues like living wages, affordable housing, and universal healthcare can gather a diverse crowd to the table. Classical leftism from the perspective of class consciousness gets the ball rolling, but that's only half the battle. From there, the bonds built between members of the coalition can recognize that not all of their brothers and sisters face the same challenges. For example, a black transgender woman navigating hiring discrimination requires different support than a cisgender white man. Class matters, but it's only half the story affecting oppressed folks.
On the other hand we also need to uplift marginalized voices in decision-making at the workplace, and in the coalition. It's important to challenge the cultural norms that perpetuate the issues plaguing disadvantaged people. Because laws can mandate fair wages, but they can't fix ingrained prejudices overnight. Which is why it's helpful to adopt intersectional policy platforms. Policy proposals should consider and mitigate how different groups face unique obstacles giving them different needs. A one-size-fits-all approach to identity obstacles would be naive.
VI.
Great leftist thinkers brought us different layers to the legacy of civil rights that are different but true at the same time. Marx brought us the exploitation of labor by capital. Kimberlé Crenshaw showed us how racial and gender oppression multiply that exploitation. Meanwhile philosophers like Nancy Fraser synthesize both sides of the issue, reminding us that social remedies must combine cultural recognition and economic redistribution.
While distinguishing between social stigmatization and economic exploitation separately for analytical clarity, she didn't neglect to mention the impact they have on one another. Opting for the "status model" over identity politics, Fraser postulated that rather than treating misrecognition as an attack on group identity, it could be labeled as status subordination. Or an institutionalized pattern of cultural values that deny certain individuals, or groups, full participation in social life.
From her perspective, remedying social subordination requires solutions that allow for the social inclusion of all people. And that although injustice can happen along social lines through stigmatization, or through economic lines by way of exploitation; they're deeply intertwined and exacerbate complications between one another. For example, some forms of cultural misrecognition, such as racist stereotypes, lead to economic marginalization. And at the same time, economic inequalities can reinforce harmful cultural hierarchies. Fraser's ultimate vision was a transformative project oriented toward "participatory parity" ensuring everyone from all walks of life can participate as peers in social life.
VII.
Class matters, and so does racial, sexuality, and gender identity. Elevating one over the others neglects the interconnected effects they have on one another, and the context that both dimensions give to the depth of intersectional injustice. Attempting to erase one or the other neglects the lofty work of leftist intellectuals throughout history, as well as the lived experiences of those who suffer such injustices.
In the aftermath of Kamala Harris' failed presidential campaign we can see how tilting these priorities one way or another can lead to a disconnect between leaders and voters. In the pursuit of a predominantly woke agenda, Harris characterized her campaign around identity while alienating everyone consumed with economic concerns in the fallout of post pandemic lockdown policies. Polls showed the primary voting motivator in 2024 was economic distress. And while Harris' campaign did an excellent job illuminating social justice issues on the woke side of liberalism it neglected some leftist working class priorities. Without that second half of the message it's easy to see how we lost so many swing-voters in the attempt to oppose the fascist far-right rhetoric from Trump's campaign. Because working class priorities are possibly the easiest way to garner support from all voters including conservatives. While conservatives might not be eager to promote a woke agenda they do feel broke. And we missed a chance to capitalize on that in the voting booth.
If we're going to create lasting change and justice for all, then we can't neglect to balance the focus between stigmatization and exploitation the same way we can't neglect using both of our eyes for depth perception. The false binary between identity politics and economic marginalization is a myth we can't afford to perpetuate, because they're deeply involved in proliferating injustice in each other's direction. The future belongs to those who can see the big picture, stand in solidarity across differences, and fight a system that divides us to maintain its power. By appreciating historical leftist philosophical insights on intersectional theory while grounding our movements in material reality we stand a better chance of protecting freedom, equality, and dignity for all.
